Warning: The following account of the events that led to a complete new system of government in East Germany needs to be read with certain facts in mind. No-one, not even the Stasi, knew there would be no military intervention. Previous protests in other cities had been suppressed violently. The army (Mühlhausen had its own large garrison, not to mention the Russians), the police, the Stasi and the paramilitary brigades attached to all large organisations were armed and on full alert, awaiting only the final order from Berlin to crush the opposition. One of the big school buildings had been earmarked for detention of large numbers of people. The GDR government had expressed its official approval of the “Chinese solution” at Tienanmen Square in June 1989. In addition the Stasi had observers in every group and made sound recordings of the opposition meetings. Each member of the various opposition groups risked everything, not only for themselves but also for their family and friends.

In this account of the events of 1989 much what I have written is based on material I was able to look at in the Stadtarchiv of Mühlhausen, the Public Record Office. My gratitude goes to the Head Archivist, Frau Beate Kaiser, and her colleagues for their help and for permission to use photographs from their collection.

September 24, 1989: Getting initial information Brigitte and Siegfried Pietsch, two of the people most responsible for challenging the Socialist regime in Mühlhausen, took part in a meeting of opposition groups in Leipzig. Frau Pietsch is a teacher and Herr Pietsch runs a locksmith's shop in Mühlhausen. A most interesting man to talk to, as I was privileged to discover in 2006 when he came up with several good ideas for my house. Two days later the Vicar of Oberdorla (a nearby village) Wolfgang Senz and the local Protestant church youth leader attended an information meeting at a church in Weimar. For an uninformed outsider it is almost impossible to gauge the risks people ran in becoming involved in any kind of opposition, but news had reached Mühlhausen that groups in other areas were calling for a peaceful revolution and one wanted to know more.

October 28. 1989: Opposition in the medical profession Doctors and other medical staff from the big psychiatric hospital and the regional hospital in Mühlhausen, 57 people, signed a demand for discussions with the ruling SED party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands or Socialist Unity Party of Germany) and other state organisations. The following day the Director of the hospital was interrogated by those authorities, threatened with the loss of his job and had his party membership cancelled. The local SED party chief, the man with the real power in Mühlhausen, Ralf Werner, had just been extolling the successes of forty years GDR and preparing for the huge military march-past on October 7 in Berlin at which Michael Gorbachev was to speak the historic warning: “Schwierigkeiten lauern auf den, der nicht auf das Leben reagiert” (Problems await him who fails to react to life). After the Central Committee of the SED in Berlin had admitted on television the need for dialogue with the opposition groups Herr Werner had to change his tone and agreed to meet the doctors.

The Psychiatric Hospital at Pfafferode, Mühlhausen

Falk Walther, one of the doctors involved, describes in his contribution to the above-mentioned book, the ludicrous complications in dealing with the authorities. In the doctors' dining-room he and his colleagues had carefully arranged the chairs for the meeting in a circle so that the Party bigwigs should not have special places as they usually did. Before the meeting started, however, someone changed the seating back again and put a new lock on the door so that the hospital staff should not get in before the meeting started. The staff thereupon climbed in through the kitchen hatch and put the chairs back into a circle again leaving the SED chief no alternative but to accept the situation. The discussion took place in a reasonably constructive atmosphere thanks to careful chairing by a popular local dentist, Thomas Möller, who was to play a significant part in the Mühlhausen opposition, (and who, I am delighted to say, has taken on all our family as patients and is still a man to speak his mind when necessary).

October 18, 1989: The difficulty of spreading information About 150 people gathered at the Georgikirche (St. George's Church) to hear details of the hospital meeting from which the Stasi had excluded all non-medical people. At great personal risk Matthias Fischer, one of the young electronics engineers from the big state electronics factory, had been intending to pass on information only to find that the Stasi had prevented this from reaching him. However Fischer was able to arrange the first Prayers for Peace in Mühlhausen, to be held at the Martinikirche (St. Martin's Church), and for two days later a meeting to publicize the new political opposition parties.

St. George's Church

Near the Georgikirche is a bakery belonging to the Burkhardt family. On October 18 the baker, Martin Burkhardt, one of the assembled group, offered to let his shop window be used for posting notices about meetings and demonstrations. Lack of information (the press was firmly controlled by the SED) had hitherto been a major problem in getting any sort of opposition together. Burkhardt found himself besieged by fellow citizens anxious to put up posters and notices. He received a visit from the Stasi two days later who forced him under threat of five years in prison to sign an agreement not to take part in any further opposition activities. His shop window, however, still continued to display opposition notices, as did the shop window of the tailor, Harald König, in the Herrenstrasse. (Harald König gave up tailoring after Reunification and became an estate agent, and eventually one of our family friends - see the section Building my House in Mühlhausen)

October 20, 1989: The first demonstration Two days before, the Head of State, Erich Honecker, had been forced to resign. There was dissent within the Socialist Party leadership by this time. Egon Krenz, who replaced Honecker, began to move away from the hard line policies that had proved no match for the many thousands of demonstrators in Leipzig, nor for the many more who voted with their feet and fled the country.

Sibylle Preuss, then a twenty-three-year-old dental nurse, describes how she and her friends felt in October 1989 in the above-mentioned book Mühlhausen 1989-1990: "Thanks to the western media we received for the first time details of what was going on in other cities in October 1989. Not only were we full of admiration for those courageous people but also we were ourselves determined to do something to bring about change in our country. We were both shocked and much moved by the images of refugees in the embassies of Prague and Budapest. We thought: we can't all just simply give up and go: we must try to change things here at home. Easier said than done, though, because the Party's total surveillance was still functioning well even if the whole economy was in a state of collapse. We were very frightened but quite certain that something had to be done...."

St. Martin's Church

The first Prayers for Peace took place on Friday, October 20, in the Martinikirche (St. Martin's Church), which was filled to bursting - the Martinikirche is tiny. Indeed the wooden gallery threatened to collapse. Frau Preuss describes how, after the service, about two thousand people hung about outside the church nervously wondering what to do next or whether just to go home. The Martinikirche lies on a main road. Motorists soon realised what was happening and with victory signs and hooting of horns showed their support. "A young man grasped the initiative, lit a candle and went bravely to the front of the group as it slowly began to move. We were terrified and glad to have each other's company as we joined the procession. There were the first hesitant calls: 'We are the people', 'No violence!', 'Come and join us!' Too many people were still peering anxiously or curiously at us from behind their curtains, astonished that even in Mühlhausen things were beginning to move. In some of the windows candles had been lit, so we knew - they're on our side! During the demonstration we had the certain feeling that a number of Stasi people were in our midst - one had a way of telling."

Former headquarters of the Socialist Unity Party in Mühlhausen (now offices)

The procession made its way to the seat of the local SED (Socialist Unity Party), the real power behind the local government, in the Eisenacherstrasse There were loud calls for the Party's downfall. Lighted candles were placed around the building as a warning. Then the procession headed for the Stasi building in the Martinistrasse, the pace slowing down as they nervously approached, well knowing that they might meet armed resistance.

The Ministry for State Security (Stasi) in Martinistrasse

Within the building were all 47 Stasi officials, armed with pistols and sub-machine guns and large supplies of ammunition, in nervous anticipation of possible violent action by the demonstrators. The chief officer, Günter Siegel, was in continuous telephone contact with his superior in Erfurt who in turn was trying to obtain orders from Berlin. These failed to materialise and in the end the Stasi in Mühlhausen were instructed to use their weapons only to defend their own lives and only as a final measure after warnings had been given. In fact the demonstrators merely again left lighted candles and moved on, passing the Soviet Army barracks, where, to their huge relief, the soldiers actually indicated their support by likewise placing lighted candles in the window and holding up a picture of Gorbachev. Feeling somewhat more confident now the demonstrators gradually dispersed and went home.

Former Soviet Russian Barracks (now the local tax offices)

October 22, 1989: The first political meeting Herr and Frau Pietsch, meanwhile, had been in touch with the Vicar of Oberdorla, Wolfgang Senz and his wife about disseminating details of the opposition parties that were forming in other areas of East Germany. This meant having a political meeting, something likely to cause problems with the authorities. However, the Superintendent of the local Protestant Church, despite doubts as to whether the authorities would allow a non-religious assembly, gave permission for the Martinikirche to be used and about 1000 people crowded in, people of all ages filling the little church and even standing round the altar.

Before the meeting began several people had stated their wish to speak. Such contributions from members of the public speaking openly about problems with the authorities, about things they wanted changed in schools, in industry, in employment and so on, had become customary at church meetings in other towns. Among the congregation were numerous Stasi people busily recording what was said, and exact details were doubtless added to the numerous files held on increasing numbers of the public. The particularly unpleasant aspect of this was that you never knew if or when such information might be used against you, even years later. Certain men from the Arbeiter- und Bauerninspektion, for instance, might suddenly want to check the books in your firm to see if you were "fulfilling the aims of the Party". The ABI was modelled on the Stalinist system and was a way of terrorising private businesses. State organisations were exempt from such inspections.

When reading about the end of the GDR you have to remind yourself constantly that no-one knew that it would in fact end. To quote one of the doctors: "We had no idea that our attempts to get a bit more democracy would actually bring down the whole state."

At this first meeting leaflets from the various new political parties were read out, this being a rare opportunity to inform everyone about the opposition movement. Then individuals spoke about their concerns, and finally a member of the City Council announced that the Mayor was prepared to receive a delegation in order to hear their demands. This was an unexpected development and an absolute first. So many people were keen to hear how the Council reacted to their demands that the delegation swelled to about 1000, who then marched the kilometre-long route to the City Hall.

October 22, 1989 The Mayor's Invitation: So many people wanted to hear the Mayor speak that the majority couldn't get further than the door to the City Hall and the Mayor tried unsuccessfully to make himself heard from an upper window, much to the indignation of the crowd below who were growing more confident and beginning to shout abuse and catcall. Meanwhile the councillors were quite obviously at a loss as to how to handle this new situation, and this fact itself gave enormous encouragement to the opposition.

The Mayor, Klaus Neukirch, agreed to hold a further meeting to discuss possible changes within the city, at which the SED party leaders would face the public. The plan was to hold the meeting out of the centre in the football stadium where the authorities could most easily control the situation. It is a mark of the opposition's new confidence that the crowd shouted this down and insisted on using the Marienkirche (St. Mary's Church), this being the largest building right in the centre, a church which had been secularised and taken over by the City as The Museum of the Peasants' War, appropriately enough. Thus its use had to be permitted by the City Government.

October 23, 1989: SED chief faces the opposition The Mayor, who genuinely wanted to keep his promise of a meeting, invited seven spokesmen for the opposition to a preliminary meeting with the all-powerful SED leader, Ralf Werner, and Hans Gräbedünkel, Chairman of the District Council. It was attended, not just by seven people, but by fifteen, others having come along for moral support.

Reinhard Scholz, one of the contributors to the book Mühlhausen 1989/1990, describes the confrontation: "For this very important meeting Herr Werner had allowed just 30 minutes. This on its own shows that in his arrogant self-importance he had failed to recognise the signs of the times. At all cost he wanted to prevent a dialogue with the public and any further demonstrations, for which purpose he had in his own words plenty of water cannon. This was his attitude as he entered the meeting, Only here he faced not his Party comrades, over whom he ruled like a king. For the first time someone contradicted him and ordered him to modify his way of speaking to other people."

In the end Herr Werner was forced to give way and agreed to hold talks in the Marienkirche, Not only was a date and a time fixed as 14:00 on October 28th but - an additional triumph- the meeting was to be announced officially in the local (party-controlled) newspaper Das Volk. The newly confident opposition leaders also won agreement to provide rooms where they could meet. Up till then meetings had been held in private houses and this carried possible heavy penalties since they were classified as conspirative.

On Friday the 27th, the day before the official talks Prayers for Peace were held again, this time in the Marienkirche, and these were followed by a demonstration, the participants carrying candles as symbols of peace.

October 28, 1989 The First Round of Talks:

Long before 14:00 the Marienkirche was packed and the crowd outside had to be provided with loud speakers so that they could follow the discussion (which meant the Mayor instructing the electricians' cooperative to set them up). An estimated 4000 citizens of Mühlhausen were assembled and the various representatives of the state organisations were greeted with booing and catcalling.

The people of Mühlhausen assemble for the first round of talks in St. Mary's Church

Fourteen of the fifteen people who had confronted the SED chief had agreed on certain key issues that they now brought into the at times very heated debate. The political leaders had to face a whole list of charges: failing to fulfill their political responsibilities; economic incompetence; corruption and personal enrichment. People demanded radical changes in the education system from kindergarten upwards, especially the militaristic elements in the curriculum; in the army and compulsory service; in the state-controlled media; in the frontier system with its restricted zone; in the availability of accommodation (Party members were given preferential treatment and often had the most desirable houses in the City); in the electoral system that was subject to manipulation. They demanded the abolition of the Stasi and most particularly freedom to travel abroad. The assembly lasted over three hours and there were still more people waiting to speak. The chairman set a date and time for a further meeting in the same place.

The electrician Reinhard Scholz describes the atmosphere thus: "The distinctive feature on this day and in the following period was the fact that the speakers introduced themselves by name, that is, they no longer preferred to remain anonymous. By giving one's name one was at the same tine saying to the many assembled Stasi people: Look, I'm no longer afraid of you. A spell was broken, a spell which had kept us oppressed for 40 years. We laughed at our oppressors, and the loudest laughter was aimed at the female in charge of Agitation and Propaganda in the local SED when she begged the audience to trust the Party. There was a tense emotional atmosphere but at no point did it threaten to escalate."

October 31,1989 The Mayor's 17-point programme of reform: The fourteen representatives of the opposition groups had a second meeting with the Mayor, Klaus Neukirch, three days later at which he put forward the 17-point programme for municipal self-government that he then placed on the agenda of the next City Council meeting on November 2. This was the first Council meeting at which opposition groups were able to speak, taking the assembled councillors by surprise. However, the Mayor was evidently subjected to pressure in some form with the result that exactly a month later he resigned.

November 2. 1989: Formation of the Action Group "Veränderung jetzt" (Change now) Those who had started the opposition in Mühlhausen now felt the need to get beyond large discussions that had initially served a useful purpose in defusing some of the fury against the SED but that were tending to degenerate into unfocussed arguments and not always peaceful ones. 15 people assembled in a restaurant on the main street and formed themselves into an open, non-party-political organisation. They then set up the second big meeting in the Marienkirche on Saturday, November 4. Out of this grew 5 working groups to deal with the most pressing problems in the areas of education, election and of travel laws, environmental protection, trade and supply of goods and the economy as a whole.

November 4,1989: The biggest demonstration After the at times very heated debate in the Marienkirche Mühlhausen witnessed its biggest demonstration so far. 5000 people proceeded all round the inner city carrying banners demanding, among other things, the legalisation of Neues Forum, the new GDR-wide political party. And this demonstration was the first to be held with official permission and police support. As one participant commented, it lacked the spontaneity of previous demonstrations and felt as if the state had taken over again.

November 9,1989: The frontier opens As if by accident in the middle of a press conference about the 10th Plenary Meeting of the SED Central Committee the Secretary, Günter Schabowski, reading from a note in his hand announced that travel to Federal Germany was permitted without the usual restrictions, and, after further questioning, that as he understood it this was to start at once.

Deutsches Bundesarchiv (German Federal Archive)

When the news of the ending of travel restrictions came through in Mühlhausen the working groups on education, environment and elections were taking place. Not until the following day did the police begin giving visas to local people waiting in long queues. The necessary works to recreate the roads across the border that had been disconnected for decades began on November 11.

Rebuilding the border crossing at Katharinenberg, north-west of Mühlhausen, November 12, 1989

By midday of November 12 the crossing-point at Katharinenberg, just outside Mühlhausen, saw thousands of people heading for Wanfried in Hessen. The queue of cars stretched from Katharinenberg to the edge of Mühlhausen.

Some of the first to cross the border at Katharinenberg, November 12, 1989